Saturday 31 May 2014

David Harold Eastman/ Commonwealth Ombudsman / Veronique Ingram/ Guilty till proven inocent
So David Eastman worked for Treasury. If I recall correctly he had made complaints about treasury to the Australian Public Service and I think the Ombudsman. 
So how much did the court rely on the  the circumstantial evidence of people who claimed  Eastman told them he was going to kill the Commonwealth Ombudsman and applying the "Reasonable Persons'  Test did a reasonable person think this was possible  or he had the actual ability or in all accounts  was it merely a FIGURE of speech?
So what was David Eastman complaining about to these authorities?
Is also interesting that the shonky Veronique Ingram   Inspector General in Bankruptcy  who is currently protecting atrocious systemic corrupt conduct at ITSA or Afsa also worked for treasury.
There is an approximately 14 years difference between Eastman and Ingram so it is unclear if their  paths crossed!!!!
Was this all part of some conspiracy by the Federal Police to silence Eastman because of his complaints that had foundation??



It is now more than 25 years since Australian Federal Police Commissioner Colin Stanley Winchester was shot and killed as he arrived home from work at 9.15 pm on Tuesday 10 January 1989.
After a protracted police investigation and a trial that lasted 85 days, David Harold Eastman (now aged 69), was convicted of the murder in 1995.
The body of evidence was significant. Amongst it, revelations that ammunition residue found in the boot of Eastman’s car was indistinguishable from that found at the murder scene.
But the circumstantial evidence was also compelling. Several prominent people had come forward after the killing saying Eastman had told them he was going to kill Winchester (as well as a threat to kill the Commonwealth Ombudsman).
Eastman reportedly told Winchester this to his face because he would not withdraw an assault charge against him. A witness saw him staking out Winchester’s Deakin home in days prior to the shooting. The witness recalled the make and colour of car, but had the last digit wrong [the rest correct] from the number plate.
The jury was unanimous in finding him guilty and he was sentenced to life imprisonment without parole by ACT Supreme Court Justice Ken Carruthers. This by and large should have been the end of the matter and the last we see of Eastman.
The exhaustive trial had given plenty of opportunity for the evidence to be publicly reported and room for speculation. Almost from the time of the investigation and arrest it was clear Eastman was a serial nuisance, a dangerous public pest and a combative and violent individual.
He regularly had blow-ups with various government agency staff members (gathering more than 200 alleged assault reports). He fought with his lawyers and sacked his defence team on any number of occasions.
Eastman, who is occasionally painted as ‘highly intelligent’ by the Fairfax media, simply had no other case to make – or surely he would have done so. He would not or could not say where he was on the night of the murder. And he could not – or would not – explain other evidence presented to the court.
Possibly out of this genesis grew a thread of doubt that he might be a victim of a miss-trial. Police pressure could have sent him over the top and prevented him from presenting a rational defence.
These arguments gained some credence as the years passed and as the murder event recedes from memory and as police and key players age and move on in their lives.
A small group of anonymous supporters has spent the years arguing Eastman’s cause from behind the scenes. It has brought forward doubts that evidence might be flawed (or even fabricated) and/or given undue (or unfair) weight. The Fairfax media in particular has given a mostly sympathetic voice for the Eastman cause, and it has nurtured the idea that he may well (despite everything) be an innocent man.
On 3 September 2012 this background chorus of support paid off for Eastman when the Hon Justice Shane Marshall ordered an Inquiry into the conviction. The inquiry has now completed its hearings (on 15 May 2014).  The inquiry has its own Eastman Inquiry website.
Many readers of Fairfax newspapers were not born when Winchester was gunned down 25 years ago. They can be forgiven for giving credence to the long-running counter-argument that a Mafia hit man gunned the commissioner down as pay-back for a bungled marijuana deal.
It is difficult to imagine what this process has cost the public purse.  The investigation and court case alone lasted around five years. Since then his cause has re-emerged time and again, driven by a handful of well-meaning but more possibly misguided supporters.
Postscript: To obtain further insights read Justice Michael Adams sues over evidence claim (The Australian 7 June 2013). Justice Adam’s claim has not been reported in the Fairfax media.

Wednesday 28 May 2014

NSW Judiciary/ Thuggish tactics by Magistrate Lisa Stapleton/ protecting systemic corrupt conduct in Government Agencies

   So  most states in Australia have some kind of Integrity Commission . In NSW we have ICAC who  exposed the Corrupt Labor Ministers Ian McDonald  and Eddie Obeid. It is baffling  why these Government Ministers were not exposed earlier  before they fucked over NSW to make themselves Millions.
In Tasmania there is the Tasmanian Integrity Commission  whose CEO is the shonkey Diane Merryfull who made a deal with Veronique Ingram and protected systemic Corrupt conduct and corruption at ITSA or AFSA.............. Just how much systemic corrupt conduct this shonky woman will protect in that state is yet to be seern.
Gillian Sneddon exposed the  Paedophile 

Milton Orkopoulos NSW Labor  MP for Swansea

Gillian was absolutely vilified by the NSW Labor Party for doing this.
Commissioner Steve Sedgwick also fails  by protecting systemic corrupt conduct and corruption referred to him by whistleblowers and  also referral of Agency Heads under S41 APS ACT.  Sedgwick's  failure  correctly  investigate these complaints and now  even appears to have given up trying is certainly concerning. 
It is certainly disturbing how higher powers protect such behavior.
The very recent murder of Jamie Goa also highlights  more disturbing facts.
It has been reported that Goa was an informant for  The Crime Commission although  it is difficult to establish this as  there is no accountability  or transparency in these Government Agencies.
So now I come to the transcript of Magistrate Lisa Stapeton.
Most disturbing is that she wants to have me Jailed for exposing Systemic corrupt Conduct and corruption at ITSA or AFSA.................. WOW!!!!  Jail for exposing what is in the Public Interest.......... what could be her motive????

Tuesday 20 May 2014

Lady Justitia
Fingleton: criminal but not illegal
                  The Rule of Law
The Rule of Law is that doctrine of English Common Law espousing in essence two ideals of liberalism derived from The Enlightenment: equity and due process:
  • All people are subject equally to the privileges and penalties of the law.
  • The people are ruled by laws and not by men (both the judiciary and the executive are to act only according to law rather than to their own values and beliefs of what is justice).
  • The law shall be prospective, visible, clear, and relatively stable.
  • Due process must be afforded to all those before the law (e.g. Habeas Corpus.)

All people subject equally to the law


In a liberal democracy the concept of equality means that when the law is applied, it must apply equally to all people. Both common people and their rulers are equally liable for any negligent action, crime or misdemeanour committed. Politicians have been convicted for all manner of crimes and even then Prime Minister R J Hawke once got a citation for not wearing his seatbelt when being driven in his ministerial car.
However, for those of influence within the hierarchy of power one way to get around this principle is to simply declare exceptions when making the law in the first place. This hardly accords with theprinciple espoused in the Rule of Law, but it does allow a legal loophole for those deemed privileged enough to be treated differently.Animal Farm by George Orwell
To paraphrase George Orwell: All citizens of the state are equal, but some citizens are more equal than others.
Some Examples:

Barristers can’t be sued for negligence in court

Barristers cannot be sued by their clients for how they perform in court.
Giannarelli & Ors v Wraith & Ors (1988) 81 ALR 417

Judges can’t be sued for negligence in court

NSW Appeal Court Judge David Ipp
http://www.lawlink.nsw.gov.au/lawlink/supreme_court/ll_sc.nsf/pages/SCO_speech_ipp_080503

Magistrates and judges can’t be prosecuted

Incredible as it might seem, the High Court of Australia in 2005 overturned a jury guilty verdict against Queensland Magistrate Di Fingleton for the crime of intimidating a witness (nothing to do with a court proceeding but a witness in an administrative matter), due to the fact that, by law, magistrates and judges are allowed to commit crimes in the course of their professional duties.
Fingleton v The Queen [2005] HCA 34
Chris Merritt, ‘Judicial immunity needs an overhaul’, The Australian 4 July 2005

Double Jeopardy

Whereas there is the pretence of the law treating the prosecution and defence equally during the proceedings of a criminal trial, this is certainly not the case after the verdict has been reached.
Due to the ancient common law of autrefois acquit (known colloquially as double jeopardy) the privilege of appealing the decision, while always granted to the accused, is only partially granted to those representing the victim. Since “reform” was first legislated back in 2006 victims are still waiting for the first case, anywhere in Australia, of a  suspect, acquitted by a jury, being brought back to trial, let alone finally convicted.
 

We are ruled by laws and not by men

One manifestation of the Rule of Law is that well known adage “A government of laws, and not of men”. Nineteenth century legal authority AV Dicey in his 1885 Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution declared:
“[The Rule of Law] means in the first place, the absolute supremacy or predominance of regular law as opposed to the influence of arbitrary power, and excludes the existence of arbitrariness, of prerogative, or even of widespread authority on the part of the government.”
One of the American founding fathers and signers of the Declaration of Independence, James Wilson, said during the Philadelphia Convention in 1787 that, "Laws may be unjust, may be unwise, may be dangerous, may be destructive; and yet not be so unconstitutional as to justify the Judges in refusing to give them effect."
One manner in which this prerogative is controlled for senior public servants is to deny judges the right to declare guilt or innocence when a person is being prosecuted for a serious# crime. This authority is rightly left in the hands of the jury, that cross section of the general public.

How things currently are

#1  In the famous (some would say infamous) Australian High Court case of Carroll v The Queen of 2002, which involve the contentious issue of double jeopardy, the High Court overruled the decision of a jury, as well as the Queensland Court of Appeal, by acquitting the accused from a conviction of perjury. In handing down their decision they criticised the prosecutor for bringing the accused again to court after he had been exempted from a repeat murder charge due to the double jeopardy concept, even  though admitting he was completely within the law when doing so. They then used their equity law prerogative to change the law so as to make such action retrospectively illegal.
#2  A commonly heard adage with regards to how criminal prosecutions should progress is that judges rule on the law but it is the jury that rules on fact. Judges rule on the procedure of a trial, what evidence should be allowed, who may speak and when they may speak, but it is ultimately up to the jury, and only the jury, to decide who is telling the truth and what the facts of the case, guilt or reasonable doubt, are best believed to be.
That it were so.
At present under state wide criminal law, a judge can rule half way through a trial when the prosecution has completed presenting its case that “there is no case to answer”, and arbitrarily direct the jury to acquit the accused. Alternatively if the trial should proceed to a jury decision of guilt, the judge can still declare an acquittal by overruling the jury. Where a conviction has been upheld by the court, an appeal to a higher court can not only lead to an overturning of the jury decision but also a ruling of an acquittal.
An argument used in defending this arbitrary use of judicial power is to declare that the judge (or judges if an appellate court) is not manifesting his or her opinion as to the guilt of the accused, but declaring, as a point of law, that there is insufficient evidence for a conviction.
This, in certain circumstances, can actually be true. At various times and in various jurisdictions there have existed criminal laws which mandated a quantitative amount of evidence before a defendant could be convicted. For example there have been jurisdictions where a person accused of rape could not be convicted on the uncorroborated testimony of only the alleged victim.
In such a situation where the accused had been found guilty solely on the victim’s testimony, then as a point of law, that conviction would be false.
But for judges to say that the aggregate of all the various pieces of evidence against the accused put together would fall short of some indefinable line of sufficiency, but yet somehow stated by law, would simply be hogwash.
Inculpating evidence can come in a myriad of forms, the eye witnesses to earlier threats, the evasive manner in answering questions from the witness box, the lack of an alibi at a day of the week when one would normally have one, the spurious explanations for unnatural actions relating to the crime, the instances of poor anger control, the alleged motive, the coincidence of other circumstantial and direct, albeit minor, evidence.
It is ridiculous to declare that a quantitative sum can be made of all this so as to come to some number of units, above of which, sufficiency of inculpating evidence can be declared.
All the judges are doing is saying that where the jury found guilt from all the evidence, they found a not guilty verdict, and because they are judges, then they must be right and the twelve jurors wrong.
Even apart from the issue of democracy as previously referred to, they may be better arbiters of law, but there is absolutely no reason why one, or even three judges should somehow be better arbiters of fact than twelve men and women of a jury.
What is further surprising about this is that very often an appeals court will only act on the same evidence that was presented to the jury. In these cases not only do they have no more to go on than the original jury but in effect it is actually less evidence upon which they decide that the jury was wrong and it is they themselves who can see things more clearly. This is because everything they learn about the proceedings is brought to them in transcripts. They actually do not benefit from first hand watching and hearing the accused and the witnesses as they give evidence through both direct and cross examination. 

How things should be

#1 Equity law is a hangover from our English common law heritage dating back centuries whereby an Equity Court judge had the authority to, not just modify existing common law to adapt to contemporary times, but in fact to create new law if perceived unconscionable conduct had occurred. Considering democracy was in a very primitive stage, if at all, and the law maker was otherwise only the king, it was probably held to be a better process to grant this power to those judges than to petition the crown for every instance it may have been thought necessary. As today we not only live in a full suffrage democracy but also have access to a modern media where all issues can be easily discussed, it would seem highly unsuitable, not to mention undemocratic, to maintain this  anachronistic practice.

#2 Nowhere in the (civilian) criminal justice system is there a situation where, rather than by a jury of his peers, an accused can be convicted of a serious crime on the opinion of a judge or judges. For a serious crime, a judge can not, and should not, have the power to declare someone guilty. This is not only a manifestation of democracy but also of that facet of the Rule of Law which limits the range of powers that officers of the law should be allowed to possess. The judiciary shall rule on the law but it is only twelve of the accused’s peers who rule on what is fact and who ultimately decide on guilt.
If the law is to act on a level playing field and treat both parties equally then the same principles should also apply in the alternative application. If judges do not have the power to declare that those they do not like are guilty of crimes, then they similarly should not have the power to declare that those they favour are free from answering for alleged crimes.  

Controlling the power of judges to make arbitrary decisions of fact.

  • Where there has been a successful appeal against a criminal conviction, an appellate court should not be able to do more than return a defendant for retrial; it should not have the power to declare an acquittal.
  • Where a committal hearing presided over by a magistrate or judge has declared that there is insufficient evidence to make a person stand trial*, a prosecutor (public or private) should always have the right to request that a grand jury be summoned to confirm that decision; perhaps at the expense of the prosecutor.
  • Where there has been a jury decision to convict, the judge shall not have the power to overrule that decision by making a highly subjective ruling that there was insufficient evidence to support it.


*Granting the court power to declare whether or not there is sufficient evidence in a committal hearing is acceptable simply because it is the cheapest and most expedient method. 
In Magistrates Courts, the ruling magistrate does have the power to declare guilt. This is simply due to expediency. It would be highly impractical to administer jury trials for the very high number of appearances of those who are only suspected of committing petty crimes.

Monday 19 May 2014

Due Process / courts of Law

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Under both the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments to the U.S. Constitution, neither the federal government nor state governments may deprive any person “of life, liberty, or property without due process of law.” A similar due process provision was found in the Magna Charta, as well as early state constitutions. Chief Justice William Howard Taft explained the purpose behind the clauses in Truax v. Corrigan (1921) as follows: “The due process clause requires that every man shall have the protection of his day in court, and the benefit of the general law, a law which hears before it condemns, which proceeds not arbitrarily or capriciously, but upon inquiry, and renders judgment only after trial, so that every citizen shall hold his life, liberty, property and immunities under the protection of the general rules which govern society. It, of course, tends to secure equality of law in the sense that it makes a required minimum of protection for every one’s right of life, liberty, and property, which the Congress or the Legislature may not withhold.”
Courts have interpreted the due process clauses as providing two distinct limitations on government. First, the clauses provide for procedural due process, which requires the government to follow certain procedures before it deprives a person of life, liberty, or property. Cases that address procedural due process usually focus on the type of notice that is required of the government or the type of hearing that must be held when the government takes a particular action. Second, the clauses establish substantive due process, under which courts determine whether the government has sufficient justification for its actions. Because courts use substantive due process to protect certain fundamental rights of U.S. citizens, issues related to substantive due process have been the subject of extensive debate.

- See more at: http://civilrights.uslegal.com/due-process-violation/#sthash.vRPvzjtE.dpuf
 Corrective services / S 474.17/ Magistrate Lisa Stapleton
So I have just returned  from the second visit to Burwood Correctional Services where a Ken Stevens   is doing a report for the shonky Magistrate Lisa Stapelton who is trying to protect systemic corrupt conduct in Government departments.
Stevens  commenced reading me a statement he prepared for Stapleton.
I stopped him on one sentence he had written and told him this was incorrect.
He became aggressive and told me I could not tell him what to put in his report.
I replied that I did not wish for him to put anything false in the report to Stapleton and that the in fact the sentence did not make sense. 
I asked for a copy of the report . Again he was aggressive and told me it was the property of the court.
I  tried to get him to clarify other matters to which he also become aggressive.
The  offending sentence that  I first questioned him about was a statement that he had made ......................" Fiona Brown said she is not guilty of  offensive language but  only guilty of breaching the Act" Clearly this sentence does not make sense. 

I tried to bring up that I relied on Brett David Starkey V the Queen that clearly states everything must be read in correct context and also Monis V the Queen. He said he was disinterested  any legal terms as he did not understand them.
He appeared to be winding himself up into some frenzy. He said I was guilty.
I told him Stapleton   had denied due process and it was a requirement to read my blogs in correct context. I told him if I said somebody had been " fucked over" by ITSA or AfSA  it did not actually mean that ITSA or AfSA were having sex with each other or random people .
 
It appeared that Stevens thought he had the right to put  what he liked in a report   S 474.17 is objective  according to the reasonable persons test and not according to  a magistrate who considers herself a reasonable person and must coverup and protect corrupt conduct in Government departments . According to Brett David Starkey V the Queen  the Fault Element must also be objective.
Everything must be read in correct context ( Brett David Starkey V the Queen) 
474.17 cannot be compared with the Summary Offenses Act as it is subjective and not objective.  

George Alex ‘settles 6 million defamation claim in his favour but creditors won’t get a cent’

BUSINESS identity George Alex agreed to settle a $6 million defamation claim in his favour, a court has been told — but his creditors aren't entitled to a cent of it.
A witness told Mr Alex’s bankruptcy examination in the Federal Court the agreement followed a series of disputes between Mr Alex, murdered construction identity Joe Antoun and colourful businessman Jim Byrnes, Queensland hire firms boss Kevin McHugh and other business identities.
The tax office is trying to ­recover $1 million it claims it is owed in tax from Mr Alex. But bankruptcy trustees are barred from seizing money from defamation payments.
The extent and location of Mr Alex’s assets and business interests are being examined in the Federal Court.
Ned Cavric, who works at NSW Compensation Lawyers, told the court on Thursday the “defamation issue” came up as part of a “$12 million resolution” between the parties.
Joe Antoun, aged 50, who was shot dead.
Joe Antoun, aged 50, who was shot dead. Source: Supplied
“To the best of my recollection there was (sic) several disputes between Antoun and McHugh interests, and there was disputes between Mr ­George Alex and Mr Byrnes and that was subject to a $12 million resolution,” he said.
Of that, $6.35 million was to go to Mr Alex and Mr Antoun was to receive $150,000, Mr Cavric told the court.
The parties drew up several draft deeds outlining the payments, the court heard.
Mr Cavric denied a question by the bankruptcy trustee’s barrister Peter Fary that there was “no mention of defamation” in the original draft of the agreement.
It is not known whether Mr Alex was paid the money.
A sum of $1.5 million was paid in to a trust account of law firm Colin Biggers & Paisley, Mr Fary told the court.
But the firm’s senior partner Chris Rumore told the court: “I never considered (Mr Alex) our client”. Mr Alex was bankrupted in 2011, after owing the tax office $64,100. The ATO then varied the amount to more than $1 million. A sequestration order was made and trustees were appointed to put Mr Alex’s affairs under the microscope. The examination has also sat in Victoria where evidence has been suppressed.
Jim Byrnes leaving the Supreme Court.
Jim Byrnes leaving the Supreme Court. Source:News Limited
Antoun was shot dead as he answered the front door of his Strathfield home in December.
Two men unrelated to these proceedings have been charged over the shooting.
A settlement has been made over a Penshurst unit project in which Mr Alex’s sister ­Athina Alex held an interest, the court heard.
Ms Alex was one of a number of witnesses who were ­unable to appear in court ­because of illness or injury.
The court was told Ms Alex fell over outside court on “Monday or Tuesday”, aggravating an injury to her right knee and that her leg had “swollen up drastically”.
Registrar David Pringle then insisted Ms Alex give evidence to the court over the telephone from her home in Earlwood. Ms Alex told the court she met Mr Alex for coffee at a city cafe on Wednesday where they discussed a newspaper story about him.
Ms Alex denied Mr Fary’s question she was allowing her brother to control businesses by registering her as a director.
Another witness unable to attend was CAP Accounting accountant David Cassaniti.
On Thursday, Mr Pringle said he would issue an arrest warrant before the court was told Mr Cassaniti had undergone a “stomach operation” for gastric banding. He was experiencing “vomiting convulsions” and was “dry retching every so often”.
On Friday, Mr Alex’s wife, Nectaria Alex, was also struck down with ill-health and provided a medical certificate explaining she could not attend court for six weeks because of an ongoing medical condition.
Mr Pringle asked why the condition was brought up on the morning she was due to give evidence if it was ongoing.
A witness told the court Mr Alex was earning $80,000 a week from a Queensland business. He was also planning to buy a Burwood home for $3.6 million, he told the court.

Saturday 17 May 2014

NSW Judiciary/ Magistrate Lisa Stapleton
Letter to Veronique Ingram/ Objection to discharge



Australian Financial
Security Authority
GPO Box 821
Canberra ACT
 2601
14th May 2014
 RE  Continuance of David Cooper’s  Bankruptcy
Under S149B
Dear  Veronique
I refer to the following objection to discharge under S 149B of the Bankruptcy Act of which you are responsible for.
You are clearly aware  of the systemic corrupt conduct at AFSA or ITSA which the Commonwealth Ombudsman protected for you. You are also aware that Karin Fisher and  Commissioner  Sedgwick  protected this systemic corrupt conduct for you also.
Adam Toma who was the National Enforcement Manager and protected fraud in your Government Agency has now transferred to the Victorian Commission and Gaming Regulation so he can continue this practice.
Diane Merryfull  from the Commonwealth Ombudsman who protected  your corrupt practice is now the Tasmanian Integrity Commission where she can also protect corrupt practice in Tasmania.
Guilia Inga who signed the following objection to discharge was at the time NSW and ACT Official Receiver and has since resigned.
The objection to discharged  was made because David Cooper filed a false Statement of Affairs and tried to hide  a considerable inheritance he has received in  Israel.  Further to this Julie Padgett the  NSW Enforcement Manager at AFSA, Tibor Karolyi  who now works for Teyah De Vries and  Florence Choo tried to protect this.
The National Enforcement branch ( Adam Toma) deliberately mislead the Commonwealth Ombudsman  on  the practice of your Government Agency  protecting bankrupts who file false statement of Affairs.
As it appears that David Cooper has failed to comply with the Bankruptcy Act and failed in his obligations to pay his creditors  I request AFSA or ITSA  continue Coopers bankruptcy .
Although you have also  attempted  to have the Federal Police and Magistrate Lisa Stapleton  coverup and protect your atrocious practices at AFSA  , clearly  this will  also fail ultimately. It cannot be seen as proper practice for a Magistrate to protect systemic corrupt conduct in Government departments and therefore would be seen that there is ulterior motives for Lisa Stapleton to attempt this.
It is  your statutory responsibility to ensure that  the Australian  Financial Security Authority complies with its obligations.  You have clearly failed in this.

Please ensure David Coopers bankruptcy is continued under S 149B

Thank you











NSW Parliament removes Magistrate

Conduct of Magistrate Brian Maloney



About this Item
SpeakersGay The Hon DuncanShoebridge Mr DavidSearle The Hon Adam
BusinessBusiness of the House



CONDUCT OF MAGISTRATE BRIAN MALONEY
Page: 2620

The Hon. DUNCAN GAY (Minister for Roads and Ports) [9.36 a.m.], on behalf of the Hon. Michael Gallacher: I move:
      1. That in view of the report of the Conduct Division of the Judicial Commission of New South Wales concerning complaints against Magistrate Brian Maloney, dated 6 May 2011, and tabled in this House on 2 June 2011, Magistrate Brian Maloney, a Magistrate of the Local Court of New South Wales, be called on to address the House and show cause why he should not be removed from office.

      2. That this House grants leave for Magistrate Brian Maloney to attend at the Bar of the House on Thursday 23 June 2011, at 3.30 p.m., in person or by his legal representative, to show cause why he should not be removed from office on the grounds set out in the report of the Conduct Division.

      3. That in attending at the Bar of the House, Magistrate Brian Maloney or his legal representative be allowed a time not exceeding 75 minutes to address the House only in relation to matters set out in the Report of the Conduct Division.

      4. That this resolution be communicated by the President in writing to Magistrate Brian Maloney and seeking a written reply by 2.30 p.m. on Tuesday 21 June 2011 as to whether or not Magistrate Brian Maloney or his legal representative will appear at the time and place appointed.

Mr DAVID SHOEBRIDGE [9.37 a.m.], by leave: I am sure all members would like to hear from Mr Maloney and deal with his complaint as quickly as possible. I think he deserves the right to be dealt with, with due dispatch. I am concerned that the requirements for petitioning the Governor for the removal of a magistrate or judicial officer require both Houses to resolve the matter in the same session of Parliament. This session of Parliament will come to an end on Thursday. Therefore, if this House were to resolve that in this parliamentary session—and I am in no way prejudging the outcome of either my debate or the outcome of the majority of members in this House—the session would have ended before the matter could be presented to the other House. We would then be required to repeat the process in the next session.

In order for a petition to find its way to the Governor both Houses in the same session must resolve in that manner. That is a difficulty with which we will be faced if we deal with Mr Maloney's case on Thursday. For that reason we should give further consideration to this matter throughout the day and there could be further discussion amongst members. I ask the House to consider not resolving this matter immediately in favour of the motion being presented. That may be the best course of action. I ask that the motion be stood down to a later hour so that members are able to further consider the matter. I am concerned that the House may have to go through the process twice. I thank the House for granting me leave to speak. I ask that the Minister consider my request and that the House stand the matter down to a later hour of the day.

The Hon. ADAM SEARLE (Deputy Leader of the Opposition) [9.40 a.m.], by leave: Our concern is somewhat different to that expressed by Mr David Shoebridge. If Magistrate Maloney were heard on the last day of this sitting, the House would not be able to resolve the matter one way or the other unless we sat very late or dealt with it five weeks later when Parliament resumed. I note the problem identified by Mr David Shoebridge, but I believe it should be the other way around. If the House were to resolve the matter one way or the other on the Thursday, the lower House would not be able to consider the matter. The better course of action in that situation would be to postpone the matter for five weeks. The House would not debate the matter until then and both Houses would be able to consider the matter. In that situation I am concerned that Magistrate Maloney's matter would be unresolved for five weeks. However, I understand that his representatives may have requested a postponement. If this matter were stood down to a later hour, members would have an opportunity to consider the issues.

The Hon. DUNCAN GAY (Minister for Roads and Ports) [9.41 a.m.], by leave: I acknowledge the concerns raised by Mr David Shoebridge and the Hon. Adam Searle. I understand, although I am not sure, that the date set for the matter to come before the House was to suit the convenience of Magistrate Maloney. Given the concerns that have been raised, the proper course of action would be to stand the matter down until 3.30 p.m. when Government business takes precedence. That will give members time for clarification. Even if Magistrate Maloney made his speech on the Thursday, deliberation by this House could take place on that day. However, I note the concern about consideration of the matter by the lower House. Given that this is an important matter, standing the matter down to a later hour will give the House an opportunity for proper clarification. This matter comes before the House as a matter of process. The Government and this House did not willingly bring on this matter: we are fulfilling a process under the Constitution of the State. In order to deal with this matter appropriately, the best course of action is to stand the matter down until 3.30 p.m. when Government business takes precedence.

Debate adjourned on motion by the Hon. Duncan Gay, by leave, and set down as an order of the day for a later hour.